Since the global financial crisis of 2008–2009, opposition to the use of capital controls has weakened, and some economists have advocated their use as a macroprudential policy instrument. This column shows that capital controls have rarely been used in this way in the past. Rather than moving with short-term macroeconomic variables, capital controls have tended to vary with financial, political, and institutional development. This may be because governments have other macroeconomic policy instruments at their disposal, or because suddenly imposing capital controls would send a bad signal.
In the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, policymakers’ success in preventing the Great Recession from turning into Great Depression II held in check demands for protectionist measures. But now the backlash against globalization has arrived, and we know from bitter experience what could come next.
What many call “liberal democracy” flourished only after the emergence of the nation-state and the popular upheaval and mobilization produced by the Industrial Revolution. With the nation-state now under stress from above and below, so is liberal democracy.
New Classical economics did not want to improve Keynesian economics, but to overthrow it. It is very difficult to believe this motivation was not ideological. Does the fact that this counter revolution was largely successful among academic macroeconomists imply that the majority of macroeconomists shared this ideological outlook?
The U.S. Supreme Court inflicted a major blow last week to Argentina in its decade-long legal struggle with some of its creditors since it defaulted in 2001. In this section we have included commentary analyzing what the implications of such ruling be for other countries that will seek in the future to restructure their foreign debt.
In developing countries, economic progress requires adapting technology that exists in other places, which necessitates engaging with those that have it. Characterizing these interactions as pure exploitation, rather than value-creating opportunities, has undermined the possibilities of many in Latin America and elsewhere.